Andrew Maddox

Category: Politics

  • Municipal Budget Cuts, Property Taxes, and Data Centers

    The Dallas Morning News recently posted an article about Dallas reducing park-related expenses from its upcoming city budget:

    The Dallas Park and Recreation Department has made limited progress toward its long-term goal of making money to rely less on taxpayer funding, a recent city audit found. City staff face pressure to cut $14 million from the parks budget, which could reduce recreation services citywide, slash dozens of jobs and shut down four community centers.

    I’m sympathetic to municipalities attempting to use tax dollars wisely, so I like the idea of finding ways to be more efficient. But I hate cutting parks and recreation budgets simply because the services these departments provide seem less valuable. Parks are enormously important to the health and wellbeing of citizens, and long-term studies show no shortage of evidence pointing to health and life expectancy improvements as the result of regular physical activities.

    But Dallas is not alone in these struggles. Closer to home, the city of Waco is experiencing similar budget constraints, but instead of targeting parks, this round of budget cuts includes further reducing library operating hours. (Hours were cut last year as well.) It seems hardly outlandish to think that further cutting these operating hours isn’t the best thing for the community.

    If only there were opportunities for cities to quickly and massively grow their tax footprint without needing to massively expand their physical infrastructure…

    Wait. I think I’ve read about an industry willing to spend, and spend quickly. I’ll acknowledge from the beginning that data centers can use a lot of power, need some degree of water (although as I wrote last year, the actual water usage is paltry compared with total water consumption, particularly in a state as big as Texas), and if there is on-site electricity generation, there can be some noise. With those as caveats, let’s project some numbers.

    Year One — Construction Phase Revenue

    Let’s consider small and large data centers ($1B vs. $10B) and their potential effects on local economies during the first year:

    ProjectValue on tax roll (Jan. 1, ~20% built)¹City property tax @ 50% incentive²Year-one taxable purchases³Local sales tax (1.5%)⁴Total Year 1 city revenue
    $1B data center$200M$755,000$200M$3.0M~$3.8M
    $10B data center$2.0B$7.55M$1.5B$22.5M~$30.1M

    ¹ Assumes ~20% of total project value (land, site work, partial construction) is assessed in the first January appraisal. Larger projects build over 3–5 years, so the $10B figure phases in similarly. ² Waco’s FY2025–26 rate of $0.755 per $100, reduced 50% by the assumed incentive (Chapter 312 abatement or Chapter 380 rebate). ³ Materials and equipment purchased/delivered in year one. Texas Tax Code §151.359 exempts qualified data center equipment from the 6.25% state sales tax only — the exemption explicitly does not apply to municipal sales tax. ⁴ Assumes purchases are sourced/delivered such that Waco’s 1.5% rate applies; actual capture depends on purchasing structure, and incentive agreements sometimes rebate a portion.

    For Waco specifically, a $3B data center project has the possibility of plugging revenue shortages for 2027. A larger project could possibly provide a tax surplus!

    Ongoing Annual Property Tax Revenue

    There are different tax structures that data center operators negotiate with cities, but let’s assume a 50% incentive on local property taxes over the first five years. Further, let’s assume that taxable value grows at around 3%, and the 50% incentive expires after year 5:

    Project50% incentive property tax/yr (years 1–5)⁵With ~3%/yr growth (by year 5)⁶Full-rate property tax/yr (year 6+)⁷With ~3%/yr growth (year 6+)⁸
    $1B data center$3.8M$4.2M$7.6M$8.8M and rising
    $10B data center$37.8M$42.5M$75.5M$87.5M and rising

    ⁵ Full value × 0.755% × 50%: $1B → $3.775M; $10B → $37.75M. ⁶ Year-5 figure after four years of 3% compound growth in taxable value. ⁷ Full value × 0.755% with no incentive, before growth: $1B → $7.55M; $10B → $75.5M. ⁸ Year-6 figure on value grown 3%/yr for five years ($1B → $1.16B; $10B → $11.6B), continuing to grow ~3% annually thereafter if refresh investment continues.

    Will data center construction solve municipal revenue shortages? No, I don’t think the world is nearly that simple, but we’d be remiss not to consider those benefits, particularly if the feared AI job apocalypse is even partially correct. Having data centers means that jurisdictions with property tax will have more tax revenue to soften the blow from job losses or other structural changes.

    If I were a developer wanting to build a data center, I would lean into this fact. Municipalities also have an opportunity here: they can leverage the anti-AI sentiment that seems to be rising to negotiate more favorable terms for any tax abatement arrangements. Perhaps it’s not 50% abatement over the first 5 years…perhaps it’s 0%, but I won’t dive into specifics.

    In the end, these developments need to be advantageous to the companies building them as well as the communities that already live there. I think there are opportunities to do both.

    Waco’s projected FY2027 budget gap is $10.7 million. The city’s proposed libraries and museum closures will save $191,000. (In Waco, note that of the $0.755 rate, $0.5845 funds day-to-day operations.) Also, this assumes that the facility sits outside a Tax Increment Financing zone — inside one, the general fund would collect taxes only on the land’s pre-development base value for the life of the zone, so it wouldn’t solve any issues.

    Sources: City of Waco FY2025–26 adopted tax rate; The Waco Bridge (July 17, 2026); Texas Tax Code §151.359; Waco local sales tax rate per Texas Comptroller. Growth, phase-in, and purchase-capture assumptions are the author’s estimates.

    Note: Claude Fable 5 helped generate these tables from publicly available tax data.

  • AI Dev Tools Boom and Governance Risks (Links) – Jul. 8, 2026

    • Google Cloud: Review GitHub code using Gemini Code Assist (Jul. 3, 2026)
      Gemini Code Assist on GitHub is an automated reviewer that summarizes pull requests, gives in-depth code reviews, and speeds up reviews, improving code quality. 
    • Simon Willison: Fable's judgement (Jul. 3, 2026)
      A Fireside Chat suggested letting Fable and Opus use their own judgement for tasks like testing, instead of strict rules. Claude Code stored a memory delegating coding to lower‑power subagents, with the main model reviewing, reducing token use, accelerating work.
    • Mistral AI: Leanstral 1.5: Proof Abundance for All (Jul. 2, 2026)
      Leanstral 1.5 is an open model that “verifies complex code properties and uncovers previously unknown bugs in open-source repositories.”
    • WebKit: Introducing the Safari MCP server for web developers (Jul. 1, 2026)
      Safari Technology Preview 247 adds a Safari MCP server that lets local agents connect to a Safari window, inspect DOM, network, screenshots, and console.
    • WSJ: Anthropic Reaches Deal With Trump Administration to Restore Access to Fable AI Model (Jun. 30, 2026)
      Anthropic agreed with the Trump administration to restore access to Fable 5 after fixing Amazon-flagged jailbreaks, adding a safeguard, and redirecting risky prompts. The deal ends a 2½-week shutdown and signals tighter government oversight.
    • WSJ Opinion: AI and the English Language (Jul. 2, 2026)
      Orwell warned against clichés, and AI can flag them, yet it recombines familiar phrases at scale into polished, soulless prose. People may accept popular AI content, but they will still crave original, human voice, honesty, and experience.
    • WSJ: The World’s Top Economists Are Sounding the Alarm on AI (Jul. 1, 2026)
      At a Sintra symposium, central bankers said AI could boost productivity, but also fuel rising debt, investor leverage, stretched valuations, and job losses. They warned AI-driven cyber flaws, and failed productivity gains, could threaten financial stability.
    • Canonry: Every AI Visibility Tool Is Lying to You (Jun. 30, 2026)
      AI visibility tools often present tidy ranks and percentages that hide noisy, personalized, geographic, and nondeterministic behavior, plus scraping and API differences, prompt and scoring biases, and model drift. Honest measurement should show methods, variance, and raw evidence.
    • Business Insider: US energy chief says concerns about data centers are 'overblown' (Jun. 30, 2026)
      US energy secretary Chris Wright called worries about data centers real but overblown, saying benefits like cheaper power and low water use outweigh harms. Polls show 70% oppose local AI data centers.
    • WSJ: A Theoretical AI Bust, South Korea Chips In and Memory Profits Soar (Jun. 30, 2026)
      The Bank for International Settlements warns an AI investment boom, fueled by heavy tech spending and debt, could end in a bust that destabilizes households, markets, and supply chains. Memory-chip expansion and high prices heighten the risk.
    • Tyler Cowen: How will AI and the fertility crisis interact? (Jul. 2, 2026)
      AI will empty public spaces, making each person more noticeable, and spreading small-town habits to cities. People will invest in appearance, charisma, and unique identities. (Or perhaps search for a beautiful space for their college education.)
    • WSJ: Read the Emails Revealing How Anthropic’s Pentagon Relationship Fell Apart (Jul. 2, 2026)
      Emails between Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei, and undersecretary Emil Michael reveal tense talks over Pentagon use of AI, especially surveillance and autonomous weapons, and failed compromises. 
    • WSJ: The Anthropic Fable Ban Is Over. The Battle Over How to Tame AI Has Just Begun. (Jul. 1, 2026)
      The U.S. briefly banned, then lifted, export controls on Anthropic’s Fable, prompting industry fears of government gatekeeping of advanced AI. Companies want clearer rules, while officials balance innovation, security, and competition with China.
    • Aeon: What we can’t measure about AI – yet (Jun. 30, 2026)
      Innovations often show visible harms by existing measures, yet their greatest benefits appear later as new practices, institutions, and possibilities. For example, anaesthesia enabled modern surgery, dating apps reshaped relationships and integration, and electricity spawned new cultural and technological worlds.
    • Boris Cherny: AI Job Archetypes (Jun. 28, 2026)
      Five archetypes — Prototyper, Builder, Sweeper, Grower, and Maintainer — cut across engineers, designers, PMs, and data scientists. 

  • AI Safety and Economic Disruption (Links) – Jun. 18, 2026

  • The EU’s The trillion-click mistake

    While you read this, Europeans will click roughly seven million cookie banners.

    This is a follow-up post to my earlier thoughts on Apple AI and the EU. This post was generated by Claude Fable 5 (before the model was revoked on 6/12), and I found it helpful in understanding the implications of GDPR regulations.

    Right now, as you read this sentence, people across Europe are clicking cookie consent banners at a rate of roughly 13,000 clicks per second.[2] Not per day. Per second. Every second, around the clock, for years.

    Each click takes about five seconds of attention — read the banner, find the button, dismiss it, remember what you came for. Multiply that by an estimated 412 billion banner interactions a year, and Europeans collectively spend more than 575 million hours annually clicking through consent prompts. That is the working output of roughly 275,000 full-time employees, worth approximately €14.4 billion in lost productivity — every year, in the EU alone.[1],[2]

    The scale of the clicking, from Legiscope’s 2024 analysis of EU banner frequency.[1]

    That number is staggering on its own. But it only becomes a scandal when you ask the obvious follow-up question: what did all that clicking buy us?

    The answer, supported by peer-reviewed research and now effectively conceded by the European Commission itself, is: almost nothing. The cookie consent regime — born in the EU’s ePrivacy Directive and supercharged by the GDPR’s strict consent standard in 2018 — has imposed enormous, measurable costs on billions of people while delivering privacy protection that is largely theatrical.

    First, a quick correction to the popular story

    Cookie banners are usually blamed on the GDPR, but the consent requirement actually comes from an older law: the ePrivacy Directive of 2002, amended in 2009 to require opt-in consent before websites store non-essential cookies. What the GDPR did in 2018 was raise the bar for what counts as valid consent — it must be freely given, specific, informed, and unambiguous.[1] That stricter standard is what turned a quiet legal requirement into the wall of pop-ups we know today. So the fair target of criticism is the whole EU consent-banner regime: the ePrivacy rules and the GDPR consent standard working together. That’s the regime this post examines — and the distinction matters, because the EU is now trying to reform exactly this combination.

    Twenty-three years from the first EU cookie rule to the EU’s own second thoughts.

    The lock that doesn’t lock

    The entire premise of a consent banner is a bargain: you make a choice, and websites respect it. If that bargain fails, every banner on the internet is friction without function. And the research says the bargain fails — comprehensively.

    The mechanism is browser fingerprinting. Your browser constantly reveals small technical details — screen resolution, installed fonts, time zone, graphics hardware quirks. Combined, these form a “fingerprint” that is unique for the large majority of devices, allowing a website to recognize and follow you without storing a single cookie. No cookie means the cookie-consent machinery never even gets involved.

    This isn’t theoretical. A peer-reviewed study presented at The Web Conference examined how websites behave around their own consent banners, and the results are devastating for the consent model:[3]

    • 73.5% of websites that fingerprint do so regardless of what you click. Accept, reject, ignore — the tracking is identical.
    • 279 sites in the study fingerprinted visitors before they touched the banner at all.
    • And here is the finding that should end the debate: more sites (285) fingerprinted users after they clicked “Reject All” than before they clicked anything. The researchers concluded that fingerprinting functions as a fallback: when the law successfully blocks the cookie, sites switch to the tracking method the banner can’t touch.
    Rejecting tracking can trigger more covert tracking. Data from Papadogiannakis et al., The Web Conference 2021.[3]

    Read that again: clicking the privacy-protecting button can make you more tracked, not less. The lock on the front door doesn’t lock — and jiggling it tells the burglar you’re worth following through the window.

    The follow-up research is just as bleak. A 2025 study by researchers at Johns Hopkins and Texas A&M, presented at the ACM Web Conference, provided the first definitive evidence that fingerprints are used for real cross-site tracking — and found that even users who explicitly opt out under the GDPR and California’s CCPA may still be tracked.[4] An earlier large-scale crawl found that as many as 68.8% of the top 10,000 websites show signs of fingerprinting activity.[5] The consent regime regulates the one tracking technology that politely announces itself, while the silent alternative operates at scale, untouched.

    The banners don’t even follow their own law

    It gets worse. Even judged purely on its own terms, the regime fails. Multiple studies have found that 80–90% of cookie banners violate the GDPR’s requirements — no working “Reject All” button, dark patterns that make refusing harder than accepting, pre-ticked boxes, and consent extracted under conditions that are anything but free.[1] Faced with this daily obstacle course, users have rationally given up: research finds people click “Accept All” around 90% of the time without reading anything,[6] 76% find the pop-ups irritating, and 68% simply don’t want to deal with them at all.[7]

    The consent regime, graded against its own rulebook.[1]

    This is the definition of a failed policy: a rule that nearly everyone violates, that nearly everyone resents, that conditions the public to reflexively click “yes” to surveillance — and that doesn’t stop the surveillance anyway.

    The bill, itemized

    So the benefit side of the ledger is approximately zero. What’s on the cost side? Three things, in sharply descending order of magnitude.

    1. Human time: the headline cost

    The numbers from the opening bear repeating, because they are the heart of the case. Legiscope’s analysis works from simple, checkable inputs: roughly 404 million EU internet users, visiting about 100 sites a month, with about 85% of sites showing a banner, at roughly five seconds per interaction. The product is 575 million hours per year — the equivalent of 275,000 full-time jobs spent doing nothing but dismissing pop-ups, valued at about €14.4 billion annually at average European wages.[1],[2]

    And that is the EU-only floor. Because websites over-comply globally rather than build separate versions per jurisdiction, banners now confront users far beyond Europe. If the rest of the world’s internet users encounter banners at even a fraction of the EU rate, the global figure plausibly runs to billions of hours every year.

    2. Money: an industry built on friction

    A banner is the visible tip of a software stack. Behind it sits a “consent management platform” (CMP) — software whose only job is to display banners, record choices, and block or fire trackers accordingly. An entire industry now exists to sell this. Market analysts size the global consent-management market between roughly $1 billion and $3.5 billion per year depending on definitions,[9],[10] and the largest vendor, OneTrust, alone generates an estimated $1.2 billion in annual revenue.[11] For small businesses, compliance costs can exceed €10,000 a year once legal review and implementation are counted.[6] None of this spending makes a product better, a page faster, or a user safer. It is pure regulatory overhead — a multi-billion-euro tax on the act of having a website.

    3. Energy and data: real, but honestly small

    Every banner is also code: scripts that must be downloaded, executed, and answered on every page load. A French web-performance audit of eleven major CMPs found they transfer up to tens of kilobytes per page load before the user touches anything, and measurably degrade Core Web Vitals — the loading and responsiveness metrics that define how fast the web feels.[12],[14]

    What does that cost in energy? Here we’ll show our math rather than hide it, because nobody has published a definitive study:

    Back-of-envelope, EU only, per year: 412 billion banner interactions × 30–100 KB of consent-related transfer ≈ 12–41 petabytes of traffic. At commonly used network-energy coefficients (which are genuinely contested, with estimates up to 0.066 kWh/GB at the high end[13]), plus the marginal device power burned during 575 million hours of banner-clicking, the total lands in the range of roughly 10–25 GWh and a few thousand tonnes of CO₂ per year — on the order of taking on the low thousands of cars’ worth of emissions and a few million euros of electricity. Treat these as order-of-magnitude estimates only.

    We could have inflated this number. We didn’t, because honesty is the point: the energy cost is real but it is a rounding error next to the human cost. The chart below puts all three on one (logarithmic) scale.

    Three cost categories, drawn to scale — circle area is proportional to annual cost. The energy dot needs a magnifier.

    Even Brussels agrees now

    Here is the remarkable part: this is no longer a contrarian argument. In November 2025, the European Commission published its Digital Omnibus proposal — a sweeping package to simplify the GDPR and ePrivacy rules. In its own explanatory memorandum, the Commission acknowledges that consent fatigue and the proliferation of cookie banners have become a problem whose regulatory solution is, in its words, long-overdue.[8] As one law firm dryly observed, that is a remarkable self-description for a problem created by EU law itself.[8] The Commission has been blunter still about the clicking ritual, admitting: This is not a real choice made by citizens to protect their phones or computers.[7]

    The proposed fix — fewer consent triggers, mandatory one-click rejection, and eventually machine-readable preference signals set once in your browser and honored everywhere — is a tacit admission that two decades of per-site banners failed.[8],[15] Whether the reform survives the legislative process intact, and whether it actually ends banner fatigue, remains genuinely uncertain; legal analysts are skeptical.[8] But the verdict on the existing regime has been delivered by its own author.

    What would have worked instead

    The tragedy is that the better design was always available. A browser-level signal — set your preference once, have every site legally bound to respect it — eliminates the per-site banner entirely while expressing a more genuine choice than 412 billion reflexive clicks ever could. The United States’ Global Privacy Control works on exactly this principle, and the Digital Omnibus now points the same direction.[15] Pair that with enforcement aimed at covert tracking — fingerprinting — rather than at the one technology that politely asks first, and you get more actual privacy for a tiny fraction of the cost.

    To be fair to the other side: privacy advocates argue that the consent regime, however clumsy, at least forced data collection into the open, and they warn that loosening it could legitimize even more tracking — one advocacy group memorably called the focus on cookies rearranging deckchairs on the Titanic, the Titanic being surveillance advertising itself.[6] That’s a serious concern, and any reform should be judged on whether it actually constrains fingerprinting and surveillance advertising rather than merely hiding them. But it is not a defense of the banners. On the banners, the evidence is in.

    The verdict

    Judge the EU consent-banner regime as you would any policy: by its costs and its results. The costs are 575 million hours of European life per year, €14.4 billion in lost productivity, a multi-billion-euro compliance industry, and a measurably slower, heavier web. The results are banners that 80–90% of sites implement illegally, that 90% of users click through blindly, and that do nothing to stop the fingerprint-based tracking happening underneath — tracking that can actually intensify when you click “Reject.”

    Thirteen thousand clicks per second. For nothing. It is one of the largest small-scale wastes of human attention ever legislated into existence — and the first step to fixing it is saying so plainly.

    Methodology note

    The headline time figures come from Legiscope’s published methodology (404M EU users × ~1,020 banners/year × ~5 seconds), which we treat as a reasonable central estimate rather than gospel; halving the per-banner time still yields hundreds of millions of hours. The energy estimate is our own and is presented as an order-of-magnitude range; we deliberately rank it as the smallest cost category. Market-size figures for consent software vary widely between analysts and are presented as a range. The fingerprinting findings are from peer-reviewed studies linked below. We have avoided counting GDPR’s broader compliance costs (data audits, DPOs, legal fees), which are real but not attributable to banners specifically.

    Sources

    1. Legiscope, Cookie banners: 575 million hours — the hidden productivity drain (2024). legiscope.com
    2. AnythingCounter, How many cookie consent banners are clicked every day? — methodology recap of the Legiscope figures (13,054 clicks/second; €14.4B). anythingcounter.com
    3. E. Papadogiannakis, P. Papadopoulos, N. Kourtellis, E. P. Markatos, User Tracking in the Post-cookie Era: How Websites Bypass GDPR Consent to Track Users, Proceedings of The Web Conference (WWW) 2021. arxiv.org/abs/2102.08779
    4. Johns Hopkins University, Websites are tracking you via browser fingerprinting — coverage of the FPTrace study presented at the ACM Web Conference 2025. cs.jhu.edu
    5. N. M. Al-Fannah, W. Li, C. J. Mitchell, Beyond Cookie Monster Amnesia: Real World Persistent Online Tracking (2019). arxiv.org/abs/1905.09581
    6. Captain Compliance, The EU’s Cookie Consent Saga (2025) — accept-all rates, SME compliance costs, and the EDRi position. captaincompliance.com
    7. Chamber of Progress, EU’s Cure for Cookie Fatigue (2026) — user-irritation survey figures and the Commission’s “not a real choice” statement. progresschamber.org
    8. Osborne Clarke, Digital Omnibus reshapes EU cookie rules but leaves banner fatigue largely intact (Dec 2025) — analysis of the Commission’s explanatory memorandum. osborneclarke.com
    9. Mordor Intelligence, Consent Management Market (~$1.07B in 2026). mordorintelligence.com
    10. Market Research Future, Consent Management Market (~$3.52B in 2024). marketresearchfuture.com
    11. Spherical Insights, Top 20 Companies in the Consent Management Market (OneTrust revenue estimate). sphericalinsights.com
    12. Agence Web Performance, CMP / Cookie Banner and web performance: comparison of 11 tools (2023). agencewebperformance.fr
    13. Greenly, What is the Carbon Footprint of Data Storage? — energy-per-gigabyte coefficients (note these are contested and likely upper-bound). greenly.earth
    14. DebugBear, Cookie Consent Banners, Page Speed, and Core Web Vitals (2025). debugbear.com
    15. iubenda, The European Commission’s proposal for new cookie rules (2026) — overview of browser-level preference signals in the Digital Omnibus. iubenda.com

  • Apple AI & the EU

    From John Gruber:

    There’s a lot to unpack here, including more background information — and on-the-record statements — from a briefing Apple held Tuesday that I was invited to at Apple Park. But the bottom line is that Apple’s public statements regarding the DMA and the European Commission have never been this strident before. In its public statements, Apple has always been diplomatic. That’s the word.

    Now, they’re a bit more on war footing. There’s a massive gulf between what Apple is willing to do with Siri AI in the EU and what the Commission is demanding from Apple for DMA compliance. As things stand there’s no middle ground. Apple’s offers for compromise have been rejected. Unless one side changes its mind and concedes its current position, Siri AI will never come to the EU, and what Apple is saying here is that they’re unwilling to create the open-access-to-user-data system that the EC is demanding.

    Say what you will about policies from the Trump administration, but their willingness to go to bat for American companies in Europe and elsewhere seems like a good thing. I can’t imagine Apple taking a similar posture during Biden’s time in office.

    I just can’t put into words the mess the EU has made of the internet with its cookie consent policies and overall the GDPR regulations. I’m not sure anyone actually believes the world has a more secure or more private internet today as a result of EU policymaking. Perhaps I’ll get Anthropic’s Fable to help me visualize the sheer number of electrons consumed and time spent as people across the world click “deny” or “accept” to those dreaded popups.

    The EU, unsurprisingly blames Apple. This from spokesperson Thomas Regnier on LinkedIn of all places:

    What is the true story behind Apple’s decision not to roll out “Siri AI” in the EU?

    This decision is Apple’s and Apple’s only.

    Because absolutely nothing in the DMA prohibits Apple from rolling out new features in the EU.

    Yes, the European Commission and Apple had a few contacts on “Siri AI”.

    But instead of offering a compliant solution, Apple asked to be exempted from its interoperability obligations under the DMA – and this for 18 months.

    That’s not an option. EU rules are non negotiable.

    And it would mean that no AI agent other than “Siri AI” could be chosen by EU consumers.

    Apple, like any other gatekeeper, cannot close the market. The DMA is very clear about that.

    Our developers have the right to compete. And our consumers the right to choose.

    Those who want to keep using Apple products in their current form can of course do it.

    But for those who want to use another AI agent, the DMA will give them the possibility to do so.

    Update June 15: A group in the EU created a petition to bring Siri AI to the EU. 10k signatures so far. They’re aiming for 100k.

  • AI Compute Arms Race and Governance Battles (Links) – Jun. 11, 2026

  • Agent-driven AI Adoption Meets Security and Infrastructure (Links) – Jun. 7, 2026

  • AI Platform Race Meets Safety and Regulation (Links) – Jun. 6, 2026

  • On Hantavirus Quarantines

    From the NY Times:

    An American exposed to the deadly hantavirus while on a cruise from Argentina said on Monday that she was not being allowed to leave a federal quarantine unit in Nebraska.

    Sounds bad, right, except for the part that this mutation of the virus is apparently spread human-to-human, an unhelpful little detail.

    U.S. officials had earlier suggested that those affected may be able to quarantine at home. From the same article:

    “At some point, they may be able leave their medical centers to continue quarantines at home, depending on how they are doing,” Capt. Brendan Jackson, a C.D.C. official, said in a news conference last week after the passengers arrived in Omaha and Atlanta.

    But this passenger, Angela Perryman, wanted to isolate not at her home but at an Airbnb in Florida:

    Ms. Perryman is a U.S. citizen who currently lives in Ecuador, she said. She has a home in South Florida, where she was trying to leave to isolate at an Airbnb. Ms. Perryman said she had been told that the government would provide transportation, so that she wouldn’t expose people on a commercial flight.

    This seems nuts to me. She has a “home in South Florida” but will stay at an Airbnb. Can you imagine the owners of the house? What, someone with hantavirus is staying at our place!? Heck, no!

    I was sympathetic to her argument until reading that line, since no part of an staying at an Airbnb equates to home, however nice some of the places are.

  • Monday Links: Apr. 27, 2026